José Gabriel Condorcanqui, Tupac Amaru II, the leader of the “Last Inca Revolution” (1780-82) is still admired by the Rapper Tupac Shakur (16 June 1971 – 13 September 1996), an African descendant, and by some South American guerrillas. This admiration also extends to a Peruvian drama (Tupac Amaru 1984). It's intriguing how rappers and left-wing guerrillas admire an 18th-century Inca aristocrat.
Tupac Amaru has become an icon for disenfranchised 'citizens' prompting pressing questions about the state of globalization in the 21st century. The shift towards a digital economy and the growing divide between the North-Atlantic and the expanding BRICS group across various dimensions—governance and rules—require legitimization. A crisis in legitimization might fuel the rise of authoritarian populism, purportedly defending cultural values. Reconstructing the real Tupac Amaru II revolution aims to address these issues without perpetuating such social phenomena, as reification could lead to blame-games.
Socioeconomic transformations then and now
The 'cybernetic revolution' originating in the scientific management era of the 1950s, is now taking off through the data industry, asserting itself as the new hegemonic Production Principle (PP), akin to how the industrial revolution did previously (Grinin et al. 2022; Komlosy 2022). The original data of the model (Grinin 2012:39) indicate that each PP typically requires approximately 69 to 72 percent of its respective lifespan to establish its hegemonic position. Incorporating a spatial dimension, the World-System approach enables the identification of the revolutionary focal group during the early stages of the industrial PP (Plachetka 2023).
Reorienting the Iberian expansion
The cradle of the industrial Production Principle (PP) traces back to the aftermath of the 14th-century Black Death (Belich 2022). Genoa (Salonia 2017) played a pivotal role in propelling Portugal forward during the early phases of European expansion, establishing an 'Iberian Atlantic'. The Early Renaissance humanists, including João de Barros in Portugal, fostered a new scientific mindset, focusing on linguistics to adapt spoken languages for literature. This was crucial for deep-sea navigation, leading to a transition in seaborne PP and recording discoveries in Portugal, exemplified by João de Barros (Dion 1970). The Portuguese navigators had to become involved in Southeast Asia, acting as gatecrashers in the well-established 'Maritime Silk Road', a route already known to Europe through accounts such as Niccolò de’ Conti's and Fra Mauro’s map, nearly completed by 1457 (Plachetka 2020). Despite Portugal’s success in developing new naval artillery, the conquest of Malacca led to serious tensions with China, jeopardizing their economic success and resulting in precarious situations. Barros’ historical account did not see a splendid re-edition by the Hakluyt Society, the renowned 19th-century editorial institution for such documents. Tomé Pires’ Suma Oriental, discovered and published during World War II by the same society (Cortesão 1944), contributed to the provocative nature of André Gunder Frank’s Re-Orient thesis (Frank 1998). The conquest of the Americas captured historians' attention, but the Inca and Andean civilizations stood as a showcase for a 'Polanyian' moral economy (Wachtel 1974; Isbell 2005). Emperor Carlos V sought Inca allies to prevent the emergence of conquistadors’ feudal dominions that would have led to their independence, almost devastating the sophisticated Inca food system (Plachetka 2011), resulting in fatal consequences for the indigenous population. The Spanish crown sanctioned the Inca nobility as the only governing body for indigenous communities, maintaining a form of moral economy, except for corvée labor (Garrett 2005). Portugal never found itself in a similar position, contrasting with the Dutch who later achieved comparable results, as depicted in the novel 'Max Havelaar' in 1860.
The 18th century shock-wave
The expansive European World System surpassed the Asian World System by the 18th century (Frank 1998) and collided with the Andean world. In response, the Peruvians initiated myriad uprisings and revolts (Valcárcel 1971:15-61) against this shockwave. Fisher (1966:67) cites Sebastian de Segurola’s report, stating that the rebellions commenced in what is now Bolivia for explicit reasons before José Gabriel Tupac Amaru initiated his own rebellion, 'motivated by... deprivation, which compelled him to dismantle these kingdoms' (Segurola 1901:145). Yet, the question remains: why did he become so famous?
Legitimizing a revolution
José Gabriel was severely affected by the excessive tax burden imposed by the Bourbons, prompting Tomás Catari and others to initiate a wave of revolutions. In contrast to Tomás, José faced an extended legal battle concerning his status as the legitimate descendant of the last Inca sovereign, Tupac Amaru I, and his claim to the marquisate of Oropesa y Yucay. Tupac Amaru I had led the Inca resistance from Vilcabamba, as the conquest of the Incas was a protracted process that involved peace negotiations (Hemming 1993:270-453). The Incas received recognition from the Spanish crown by 1544. For José Gabriel Tupac Amaru, obtaining this marquisate was crucial in affirming his social status as an Inca. His involvement in the series of rebellions, adopting the name Tupac Amaru II, transformed it into the “Last Inca revolution” (Fisher 1966).
The clash of civilizations within a society
The Quechua peasants’ perception of Tupac Amaru II was that of an Inca, described as someone who turned the world upside down (in Quechua: Pachacuti) (Walker 2013:62-66). According to indigenous epistemology, the Inca was a sacred institution responsible for maintaining the world's functionality and vitality (Pease 1991:155-167). Both the Inca nobility and the colonial middle class regarded Garcilaso de la Vega’s Royal Commentaries as the dominant narrative depicting a glorious Inca Empire (Walker 2013:27-30). Tupac Amaru’s claim to Inca legitimacy appealed to the non-indigenous Peruvian colonial middle class. However, with Tupac Amaru II's execution, the revolution descended into violent and senseless inter-ethnic conflicts. Isbell (2005) emphasized the significance of rituals in Andean peasant societies, while Pease (1991) highlighted the ideological-ritualistic composition of the Inca Empire. These distinctive traits bear resemblance to 'cosmological states' found in South-East Asia (Heine-Geldern 1942) exemplified by the Theater state in 19th-century Bali (Geerts 2000), stemming from the preceding Majapahit empire (Atmadja 2017). Legitimacy plays a crucial role in consolidating social cohesion and power. The 18th-century 'caste wars' in Spanish America (Halperin Donghi 1990: 82-86) were revolts lacking legitimate leadership. The absence of a legitimate cultural hegemony in Italy prompted European Renaissance humanism to establish a new cultural foundation drawn from ancient Greek and Roman literature: Rational humanism (Garner (1990) on Burckhardt (1878:4-6), Baron (1966)). Non-European societies that did not undergo this transformation often struggle with such foreign concepts. Even some Italians or Spanish conquistadors faced difficulties in comprehending it: Carlos V had to pivot from conquest to integration, lacking confidence that the cat would keep the cream.
Take home lesson
Legitimization holds significance for entire systems, offering ontological security. The rationale behind the foresight model cautions enthusiasts of the cybernetic revolution who favor 'Transhumanism'. Moral monism (Parekh 2000:16-49) portrays them as unreliable, akin to cats not trusted to safeguard the cream. This lack of trust sparks the emergence of charismatic figures like Tupac Amaru II, becoming flagship figures for revivalist movements among disenfranchised citizens (Wallace 1956), both within society and in the now more perilous realms of international relations. The question arises: who leads these leaders?
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Uwe Christian Plachetka PhD: Agricultural anthropologist and Global Historian, Austrian Institute of Risk and Security Research at the University of Natural Resources and Life Sciences, lecturer at the University of Vienna, several expeditions to Peru and trips to Indonesia before COVID-19. He is now member of the board of directors of the Asociación de Historiadores Internaciónales de America Latina y el Caribe (ADHILAC) and member of the Special Research cluster on Global History at the University of Vienna.